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The Print
an hour ago
- Politics
- The Print
A ‘ruthless approach' is fine for terrorists. For Maoists, it must be tempered with empathy
It was a deadly blow. Basavaraju was an aggressive military commander who led some of the most audacious and daring campaigns. Earlier, in Operation Black Forest on the Chhattisgarh-Telangana border during April and May, 31 Maoists were liquidated. More recently, Gautam alias Sudhakar , a central committee member, was killed in Bijapur district on 5 June. The security forces are delivering one punch after another in quick succession. The knock-out should only be a question of time. Last month, on 21 May, the CPI (Maoist) lost its top leader, Nambala Keshava Rao alias Basavaraju , in an encounter in the Abujhmad area of Narayanpur district, Chhattisgarh. Basavaraju, who had succeeded Ganapathy as general secretary in 2018, was killed along with 26 other Maoists in the engagement. The Maoist movement in India, which was at one stage described as the gravest threat to the country's internal security, is today gasping for breath. Home Minister Amit Shah plans to bury it by March 2026, and the security forces are going hammer and tongs to achieve the target. However, though the Maoist movement may be vanquished, Naxalism may not be stamped out. Also Read: Maoism became irrelevant to India's working class much before Basavaraju's death No second chance Incidents of violence by left-wing extremism have fallen sharply from 1,936 in 2010 to 374 in 2024, a dip of 81 per cent, according to the Ministry of Home Affairs. The total number of deaths, including civilians and security forces, has come down from 1,005 in 2010 to 150 in 2024—down by 85 per cent. The total number of districts affected by Maoist violence has shrunk from 223 in 2010 to just 38 presently. The success of the security forces' operations is to be attributed to a combination of factors: aggressive campaigns that included establishing forward operating bases in areas so far dominated by the Maoists; development marked by constructing roads, erecting mobile towers, and opening post office and bank branches; choking the supply of funds to the Maoists; and tech-driven intelligence operations using drones and satellites. Other contributing factors include raising forces like the District Reserve Guard (DRG), comprising mostly surrendered Maoists, and the Bastar Fighters, which recruited villagers from remote areas; a generous surrender and rehabilitation policy; and better inter-state and Centre-state coordination. Expectedly, certain sections are critical of the government's aggressive operations. The former chief minister of Telangana, K Chandrashekar Rao, has accused the Centre of 'massacring youth and tribals', and said that 'just because you have power, you cannot go on a killing spree'. Revanth Reddy, the present CM of the state, also purportedly said that Adivasis are being murdered. The leaders of five Left parties—the CPI, CPI (M), CPI (ML)-Liberation, RSP and AIFB—recently wrote a letter to the Prime Minister, urging the government 'to put an immediate halt to the extra-judicial killings'. The Maoists, meanwhile, have been sending desperate peace feelers. A politburo member, Abhay aka Venugopal Rao, in a letter released on 2 April, said that the Maoists would cease fire and come for peace talks if the security forces stopped setting up camps and ceased their operations. Another letter, released on 17 April in the name of Rupesh, a CPI (Maoist) spokesman in Chhattisgarh, announced that the Maoists were agreeable to ceasefire for at least a month. Yet another letter from Rupesh on 25 April appealed to the central government to stop the operations for a month, after which the Maoists would hold peace talks in a favourable environment. The Chhattisgarh government has rejected the calls for truce and dialogue. At the Home Ministry level, the thinking appears to be that in the past, whenever peace talks were held, there was no productive outcome and the Maoists, in fact, utilised the peace period to augment their strength and propagate their ideology. It is not untrue. However, one has to remember that when talks were held in Hyderabad in 2004, the extremists were negotiating from a position of strength. Today, they are in dire straits and are facing an existential crisis. The choice before them is between life and death. That being so, it would have been magnanimous on the part of the government to declare a unilateral ceasefire, give one last chance to the Maoists to come overground, hold parleys with official representatives, and join the mainstream. Even if the gesture was only partially successful, it would still avoid a lot of bloodshed. The remnants could always be taken care of by the security forces. Such an approach would have been appreciated by the people in general, and not many tears would then be shed for the intransigent hard core. A need for strategic empathy A disturbing feature of government policy is its 'ruthless approach' to the Maoist insurgency. It is fine to talk of a ruthless approach when you are dealing with terrorists. However, when you are dealing with your own people, strictness must be tempered with empathy. The majority of Maoist foot soldiers are simple tribals who joined the movement, rightly or wrongly, because they had a grievance—real or perceived. Maybe their land was taken away, maybe they were harassed by the forest officer, maybe the police were harsh with them. Marxism-Leninism meant nothing to them. Such persons deserve a chance, and it could have been given to them. Government thinking is rather simplistic: kill the Maoists and the Maoist problem will be solved. Another disconcerting feature is the fixing of a target date to finish the Maoist movement. The objective is laudable, but its achievement could have serious implications. It is fine when you fix a target date for completing a development project like building a highway, raising a dam, or setting up a factory. However, when you are dealing with an insurgency, fixing a target date may lead to some kind of competition among the police forces as to who kills more insurgents and, in the process, some elements may employ extra-judicial methods. Fortunately, there has been no serious complaint so far except general allegations, but the possibility can never be ruled out. It would have been better if the forces were asked to go all out against the insurgents and then wait for the liquidation of the Maoist movement in the normal course. There is yet another danger. The Maoists, just to demonstrate that they are still a force to reckon with, may, in sheer desperation, commit needless acts of violence. On 8 May, the Maoists killed three junior commandos of Greyhounds, an elite anti-Naxal force of Telangana, in a landmine explosion in Mulugu district near the Chhattisgarh border. In another incident, on 9 June, an Additional SP, Akash Rao, was killed and two others were injured in an IED blast in Sukma district of Chhattisgarh. The government will nevertheless, in all likelihood, be able to defeat the Maoist insurgency. The strength of the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army has reportedly been reduced to a meagre 300. Most of the politburo and central committee members have either been arrested or killed; the former has only four members left and the strength of the latter has shrunk to a mere 14. There was always a basic flaw in giving a Maoist orientation to the extremist movement, rather than drawing from the country's own civilisational ethos. A movement that declared, 'China's chairman is our chairman, China's path is our path', was doomed to fail in the long run.' Also Read: Born out of 'desperation', DRG is first line against Maoists in Bastar. Tech is giving them an edge Embers will remain Will the government be able to write the obituary of left-wing extremism in the country? Its record in reducing extreme poverty has been commendable. World Bank data shows it declined from 27.1 per cent in 2011-12 to 5.3 per cent in 2022-23, implying that the number of people living in extreme poverty fell from 344.47 million to 75.24 million. Unequal distribution of wealth, however, continues to be a problem. The World Inequality Database shows income inequality rising from a Gini coefficient of 52 in 2004 to 62 in 2023 (a higher Gini coefficient indicates greater inequality, while a lower value suggests a more equal distribution). It is also significant that, as areas affected by Maoist violence are being cleared by the security forces, industries are moving in to exploit the virgin forests. In Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra, for example, the government has given environmental clearance to Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. to more than double iron ore output at its Surjagarh mine. Deforestation, which results in the displacement of tribals and contributes to their alienation, continues unabated. India lost 17,700 hectares of primary forest in 2023 and another 18,200 hectares in 2024. There is a genuine apprehension that Mao-vadis may gradually be replaced by MOU-vadis. It would seem that while the security forces are doing the job assigned to them, there is no corresponding attempt to address some of the pressing socio-economic issues that contributed to the emergence and countrywide spread of the Naxal problem. That being so, it seems that while the fire would be extinguished, the embers would remain. The CPI (Maoist) politburo may be decimated, its central committee may be disintegrated, the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army may be vanquished, the party cadres may all be killed, but the idea of Naxalbari would, in all probability, survive—to the extent it represented a protest of the poorer, deprived, and marginalised sections of society against political insensitivity, social discrimination, and economic exploitation. The writer, a former Police Chief, is author of The Naxalite Movement in India. Views are personal. (Edited by Asavari Singh)
The Print
an hour ago
- Politics
- The Print
Pakistan's coldness to Iran shows idea of Ummah is poetic illusion
There is a possibility that Asim Munir will do what Pakistan has often done in such moments—remain silent, walking the tightrope between pragmatism and posturing, quietly leaving behind the cause of the Ummah and the idea of Islamic brotherhood. Because let's be honest, the same country that loudly invokes Muslim unity on Kashmir or Palestine suddenly goes quiet when it comes to Iran or Uyghur Muslims in China. When realpolitik knocks, slogans about Ummah often step aside. For a country that never misses a chance to claim it's the guardian of the Ummah (global Muslim community), Pakistan's silence right now is deafening. As Israel pounds Iran, where is the self-declared sword of Islamic brotherhood? Their army chief is on a five-day charm offensive in Washington — shaking hands, posing for cameras, sharing polite smiles with the same superpower arming Israel to the teeth. Maybe even betraying the Ummah by quietly playing a crucial role for the Israel-West alliance. Field Marshal Asim Munir, Pakistan's Chief of Army Staff and effectively the most powerful man in the country, is currently on a five-day official visit to the United States. The visit aims to strengthen military and strategic ties between Islamabad and Washington. But let's not kid ourselves—timing is everything. With tensions flaring in the Middle East, particularly between Iran and Israel, speculation is running wild. Is Pakistan's de facto ruler visiting Washington just to exchange handshakes and sound bites, or is something bigger at play ? Is he there to pick a side? Speaking to reporters after a high-level interaction, US President Donald Trump didn't leave much to the imagination either. 'We spoke about the Iran-Israel issue. Pakistan understands Iran better than us — they're a key player in regional peace,' he said . And just like that, Pakistan's position is no longer neutral geography. What about Ummah? During the recent India-Pakistan conflict, Turkey sided with Pakistan, Iran offered to mediate, while Saudi Arabia sent its Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Adel Al-Jubeir, to both Islamabad and New Delhi. Iran, in fact, was the first country to recognise Pakistan after its creation. And when Pakistan conducted its underground nuclear tests in 1998 and faced immediate Western sanctions, it didn't stand alone. The response from the Islamic world was swift and clear. Within days, envoys from Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Oman, Qatar — even Iran — landed in Islamabad to offer not just words, but real support, economic and moral. All in the name of shared faith and the pride of a Muslim nation asserting its sovereignty. But now, as Iran faces attacks and uncertainty, Pakistan's stance feels unusually cold. Pakistani officials quickly clarified that they never promised nuclear support to Iran. It has sealed its borders with Iran indefinitely and shut its airspace. So naturally, questions will be raised. What is left of the idea of Muslim unity worldwide? All the talk of Ummah – was it just a sermon for Friday prayers and headlines? All that chest-thumping about Islamic unity — does it dissolve every time there's a price to pay, and only valid when Pakistan is the one asking for support? Also read: Asim Munir is the first Punjabi general to attack India. It's sociologically important Pakistan's game plan Anyone with even the slightest grasp of geopolitics can see through the game. Pakistan's elite have long used Islam and the idea of Ummah not as a sacred bond, but as a convenient tool — to serve their own interests, to freeload off the goodwill of Muslim nations, to gather diplomatic sympathy when needed and at the same time, to fuel radicalisation that ruins innocent lives across borders. The irony reaches a whole new level when they try to pose as the voice of Indian Muslims — invoking shared faith as if it's a political strategy, not a matter of conscience. This is not solidarity; it is opportunism wrapped in religious rhetoric. The truth is, Pakistan couldn't even accept the Muslims who migrated there and chose it as their homeland. To this day, they are called 'Muhajir (outsiders)' in a country they helped build. And while the vast majority of Indian Muslims have rejected Pakistan's interference—including conservative leaders like Asaduddin Owaisi—there are still some who, in the name of Ummah, hold on to the illusion. They need to open their eyes to the hypocrisy. The idea of Ummah may sound poetic, but reality is far more grounded. Nations are defined by borders, by policies, by sovereignty. Your future lies with the country you belong to, not with some imagined brotherhood across the border. No fantasy of religious unity can protect you from geopolitical truth. The sooner that's accepted, the better it is for everyone. Amana Begam Ansari is a columnist, writer, and TV news panellist. She runs a weekly YouTube show called 'India This Week by Amana and Khalid'. She tweets @Amana_Ansari. Views are personal. (Edited by Zoya Bhatti)
The Print
3 hours ago
- Business
- The Print
Congress floated test balloon with job fair on Rahul's 55th birthday. And thousands turned up
At least 100 companies, including well-known names like Amazon, Tata, Zepto and Blinkit, participated in the job fair with the aim of recruiting candidates from various educational backgrounds, from 12th pass students to PhD-holders, he said. The event saw an overwhelming response, with more than 20,000 people of different age groups registering to participate, Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee (DPCC) president Yadav told a press conference here. New Delhi: The Congress' youth wing and the Delhi unit organised a job fair at the Talkatora Indoor Stadium here Thursday to mark their leader Rahul Gandhi's 55th birthday, and to underline the issue of unemployment in the country. More companies wanted to participate but they could not due to space constraints, he said. 'Those who couldn't be accommodated today will be engaged in future events.' He described the job fair as a significant step by the Congress in response to the 'failure' of both the Centre and the Delhi government to provide employment opportunities. 'There was a time when youths used to come to Delhi for jobs. Now, Delhi's youths are facing the worst unemployment crisis in 45 years,' Yadav said. The job fair organised by the DPCC and the Indian Youth Congress (IYC) appeared to be a political intervention by Gandhi who has over the years repeatedly highlighted the issue of job scarcity across the country. With the Congress looking to regain organisational strength in the capital, the employment fair served both as outreach and mobilisation. Aspirants reached the venue as early as 8 am to be among the first ones to be sitting for the interviews with big companies. As the day progressed, the venue got overcrowded with candidates waiting in long queues to get their token numbers to be called in. Mania Tandon, a final-year BSc student from Delhi University's Janki Devi Memorial College, said she came with high hopes after seeing the names of the companies. 'I turned up around 11 am and my token number is 5,395. Right now, only people till token number 1,000 have been called. I'm truly disappointed because it's overcrowded, and it doesn't seem I'll get a job here,' she told ThePrint. Tandon, however, appreciated the Congress' attempt and said there is a need for similar effort on a bigger scale. 'Given the population and the desperation for jobs, this was bound to happen. It feels weird seeing so many people in the same boat.' Mohammad Sohrab, who is from north Delhi's Narela and has completed 12th grade, said, 'My token number is 2,483. The announcements are only up to 1,000. The arrangements are not great, but we will still wait. This is the first time any party has done something like this. Other parties are busy with Hindu-Muslim debates. I want a regular salary, and a stable job. That's it.' Lauding Gandhi's effort, Sohrab said he wants to witness the day when Gandhi becomes the prime minister. Manoj Kumar, a grassroots Congress worker, told ThePrint around 100 youths had come through his mobilisation efforts. 'There is so much unemployment. This fair, on Rahul Gandhi's birthday, gives people a real chance. Some are getting interviewed and even hired right here.' Meanwhile, Tandon said, 'Everyone here is just trying their luck. And honestly, when I see this crowd, it makes me realise how hard things really are.' (Edited by Ajeet Tiwari) Also Read: Don't jump at 1st unemployment number you see. Different databases yield varying but valid results
The Print
3 hours ago
- Politics
- The Print
‘Nitish sets free those with AK-47': Tejashwi on shooting incident outside his Patna residence
Hitting out at Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, Tejashwi Yadav claimed that the people of the state were not safe alleging a 'crimnal disorder' of the law and order situation and 'anarchy' in Bihar. Patna (Bihar) : RJD leader and former Bihar Deputy Chief Minister Tejashwi Yadav on Thursday lashed out at the Nitish Kumar-led state government over the law and order situation in the state after an incident of firing was reported near his residence in Patna. Speaking to mediapersons here, the RJD leader said, 'There is a complete rule of criminals in place now. There is no government. Anarchy has set in in the administration and government. Shooting is taking place outside my residence in a VVIP area, it had never happened before.' Taking a jab at the Nitish Kumar government, Yadav said, 'Nobody is safe in Bihar. There is a criminal disorder of the law and order in Bihar. Nitish ji forms laws and sets free those with AK-47. He supports criminals.' 'Criminals have become fearless in Bihar, and I am a former Chief Minister, Leader of Opposition in the state assembly, there are residences of the Development Commissioner, many ministers near my residence. Still, such incidents are happening. This is very serious… If the most secure area of the state is not safe and they cannot catch the criminals then Bihar CM Nitish Kumar should resign,' said Yadav. Ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Bihar tomorrow on June 20, Tejashwi Yadav hit out at the centre and claimed that the morale of the criminals was high in the 'demonic rule' of the NDA. 'In the demonic rule of NDA, the morale of the criminals protected by the government is so high that in the high security zone, at a short distance from the Governor's residence Raj Bhawan, Chief Minister's residence, Leader of the Opposition's residence, Judge's residence and the airport, the dreaded criminals are roaming around openly firing. Beware! What if someone calls it Jungle Raj? Anyway, the Prime Minister is coming to Bihar tomorrow, so the Godi media has to maintain a positive image,' posted Yadav on X. Earlier in the day, Tejashwi Yadav claimed that the Prime Minister is coming to Bihar to do 'politics of hatred' and should be ashamed to come to the state due to unfulfilled promises. 'If PM Modi listens to his 200 speeches that he has given so far in Bihar, he will be ashamed to come to Bihar. He made hundreds of promises, he will be ashamed of what to say to the people of Bihar… He is not coming to Bihar to provide employment, reduce inflation, eliminate poverty, but just to do the politics of Hindu-Muslim, the politics of hatred,' Yadav told ANI earlier today. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is set to visit Bihar tomorrow (June 20), where he is scheduled to address a public gathering in the Siwan district of the state. Earlier, as Deputy CM Vijay Kumar Sinha urged people to attend the event in large numbers, he said that PM Modi will highlight the resolution for 'Viksit Bihar' and give a message for 'freedom from nepotism.' Regarding nepotism, the RJD leader claimed that while the BJP criticises others of family-politics, half of the ministers in the state cabinet are dynasts, while also repeating his claim of NDA being a 'National Daamaad Aayog. 'They keep abusing us about family politics, but their alliance is filled with dynastic politicians, and the same thing is true even in their party (BJP). In Bihar, over 50 per cent of the ministers are dynasts… NDA in Bihar means 'National Daamaad Aayog'. PM Modi has fitted everyone's son-in-law in the 'Aayog',' the RJD leader said. This report is auto-generated from ANI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content. Also read: Gloves off as NDA leaders, Prashant Kishor trade barbs in run-up to high-stakes Bihar polls
The Print
3 hours ago
- Politics
- The Print
Political prudence or just pressure? DMK allies turn up heat over seat-sharing before Tamil Nadu polls
While Thirumalavalan played it down as just a friendly meeting, Vaigaichelvan said the meeting marked the beginning of the unravelling of the DMK-led alliance. VCK leader Thol. Thirumavalavan, who has been pressing for more seats, went a step further, meeting opposition AIADMK MLA and former minister Vaigaichelvan who visited him at his residence on 16 June. Chennai: With assembly elections in Tamil Nadu just about 10 months away, allies of the ruling DMK in the state including the Congress, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) have started mounting pressure on the senior partner to give them more seats to contest the polls. 'The DMK alliance has developed cracks and it is just the beginning. You will see more parties having discussions with the AIADMK,' Vaigaichelvan told reporters in Chennai on 18 June when asked about the meeting. Hours later, addressing a public meeting in Madurai, Thirumavalavan said while VCK is not averse to the idea of joining the AIADMK-led alliance, 'the alliance also has BJP and the PMK, which would not go well with us.' 'VCK will not be part of any alliance where BJP and the PMK are there,' he declared. Thirumavalavan and CPI(M) state secretary P. Shanmugam have said on multiple occasions that they would definitely demand more seats from DMK. CPI state secretary P. Mutharasan told ThePrint they too want more seats. 'But, demanding and negotiating the seats are supposed to happen discreetly between parties. It should not be discussed with the media like how other alliance partners are doing,' he said. Asked about it, DMK spokesperson T.K.S. Elangovan said it was for Chief Minister M.K. Stalin to decide who gets how many seats in the alliance. 'Our leader will not let anybody be unhappy in the state. Alliance leaders will also be treated in the same manner.' In the 2011 assembly elections, DMK contested 119 of the 234 seats. Its ally Congress was given 63 seats, while VCK and CPI were allocated 10 each, and the CPI(M) 12. While CPI won one seat with a vote share of 1.49 percent, CPI(M) didn't win any, though it did corner 2.22 percent votes. The Congress managed to win five seats with a vote share of 9.31 percent percent, while VCK won two seats with a vote share of 1.51 percent. In the 2016 assembly elections, VCK, CPI, CPI(M) and other parties formed a third front and contested separately but did not secure any seat, and their vote percentage was also under one percent. The Congress, which was part of the DMK-led alliance, contested 41 seats and won eight, securing 6.42 percent votes. In 2021, VCK, CPI and CPI(M) contested the assembly elections as DMK allies and were allotted six seats each. While CPI and CPI(M) won two seats each, VCK won four. The Congress contested 25 seats and won 18, securing 4.29 percent votes, compared to CPI(M)'s 1.13 percent, CPI's 1.10 percent and VCK's 1.01 percent. Also Read: Stalin's face front & centre, I-PAC hits ground running to shape DMK campaign for 2026 polls 'Just a pressure tactic' Political analyst P. Sigamani told ThePrint it was just a pressure-building tactic by smaller parties so they can bargain a better deal during seat-sharing talks with senior allies. But it would not have any bearing on the larger alliance. 'The DMK-led alliance is a tested and proven alliance that would win the elections, be it parliament or assembly or even the local body. Hence, there is no chance of the alliance breaking. But, these demands in public would give them a leverage to (potentially) get more seats in the upcoming assembly election,' Sigamani told ThePrint. 'If political parties that have increased their vote share and their presence over the years and they demand more seats, it would definitely help the alliance. But, if parties like the Congress demand more seats, it would have an impact in securing a majority in the assembly,' Sigamani said, recalling the past performance of the Congress party. In the 2011 polls, the Congress won just five of the 63 seats it contested. In the 2016 polls, the Congress was allotted 41 seats and it won eight. In the 2021 assembly elections, the Congress was allocated 25 seats and it won 18 seats. 'We have also increased our presence in the state,' Tamil Nadu Congress Committee President K. Selvaperunthagai told ThePrint. 'Unlike in previous elections, we have proved our support base in the last two Lok Sabha elections and in the 2021 assembly election as well. So, we would definitely demand for more seats to contest, and the numbers will be decided by the national leadership.' VCK general secretary Sinthanai Selvan said it was the need of the hour to strengthen the alliance to achieve the larger goal of protecting the country. 'We are part of the DMK alliance not just for the seats and power, but, for a larger cause of saving the nation from the Hindutva forces,' he told ThePrint. 'In the journey to protect the country, it is also essential to strengthen ourselves to fight Sanatan forces. So, demanding more seats to contest is natural to strengthen our own party.' He, however, added the demand would not be at the cost of the DMK-led alliance. Shanmugam also told ThePrint seat-sharing talks would not be at the cost of the alliance, but it would only aim at strengthening his party and its representation in the assembly. 'The representation of the Marxist at the state and national level has been dwindling for years. And as a party, we want to increase our presence in assembly in accordance with our increase in presence on the ground,' he said, adding that they do not have any number in mind for now, but would decide at the time of seat-sharing talks with DMK. (Edited by Ajeet Tiwari) Also Read: How smaller TN parties are bolstering bargaining power to extract more from senior partners in 2026
